jueves, 24 de agosto de 2017

SWIC radiology professor makes surprising find in skulls of Peru's mummies

About two weeks into X-raying mummies at an isolated and slightly primitive museum in Peru, Julie Ostrowski noticed something odd.

The frontal sinus - the cauliflower-shaped cavity in the middle of the forehead - was missing in most of the mummies. Typically, only 1 to 4 percent of the population is missing the frontal sinus.

The Belleville woman went back and reviewed the X-rays she had already taken on that June trip, and added it to her findings: 72 percent of the mummified remains of the Chachapoya were missing frontal sinuses.

Why? Nobody knows.

"When I brought it up" to the other scientists, "I started to see a lot of eye(s) opening wide," she said.

Ostrowski hopes to go back to Peru next summer, again when she's not teaching radiology at Southwestern Illinois College, and pursue if elevation has an effect on that particular sinus cavity. She did not notice signs of agenesis, or a missing sinus, in the other sinus cavities.

"I think anything we learn of the past is going to give us a pathway to the future," Ostrowski said from her home.

The expedition had scientists and experts from several countries helping to preserve and document the mummies and relics of the Chachapoya, a civilization conquered by the Inca Empire. The mummies were between about 800 to 1,000 years old, and most of them were in their 20s, 30s and 40s at the time of their death.

"Fifty was considered pretty old," she said.

Ostrowski has a habit of naming things, she says.

"I like to call him 'Juicy,'" she said while showing photos of a skeleton that still had skin. The Chachapoya mummified their dead with the hands cradling the face, sitting with the knees drawn up tight. They broke bones to push the bodies into small bundles, which were wrapped in textiles.

Most bundles remained wrapped during documentation, Ostrowski said. Those that were not, like "Juicy," were cleaned of dirt and rocks and rewrapped in a cloth for safe storage.

The mummies are stored at the museum to prevent looting. Many mummies are unadorned by precious stones, but some have amulets with diamonds or amethysts or copper jewelry, Ostrowski said, that looters will hack open the bundled mummies to find.

I think anything we learn of the past is going to give us a pathway to the future.

Julie Ostrowski

"I love this one," she says at another photograph. "I named him George - look at those toes! I love those feet. Juicy feet. He's 500 years old" and the mummy's foot looks freshly preserved.

From Peru, Ostrowski went to Uganda to be part of a medical mission in July. They saw 1,250 people in four and a half days on one island, she said, treating 1,028 of them for malaria, syphilis, parasites, HIV and other diseases.

"We can treat you, but there's no (ongoing) care" in that area, she said.

Ostrowski, wife of a retired airman and daughter of a Navy Seabee, finds going from Peru to Uganda, and then to Mississippi and Kentucky to visit family, a comfortable way to spend the summer break from SWIC.

"I did not want to come back," she said. "Coming back to reality is hard."

Ancient Runways and Flying Fish: Did the Nazca Culture Take Flight?

The Nazca lines are still mysterious even after decades of being carefully studied. Archaeologists believe they know how they were made, but why they were made remains uncertain. Recently, researchers have suggested that the lines were related to fertility rituals involving the availability of water, but there are some people who still see something different in lines that are very long and straight. Some alternative thinkers argue that the straighter lines represent runways for ancient airports. Although it is possible that this is the case, the evidence found to support this position is insufficient so far.

Were the Nazca Lines Airports for Ancient Aliens?

The Nazca designs consist of a variety of figures. Some are recognizable as animals, such as spiders and monkeys, while others are more abstract. There is also a subset of figures that consist simply of straight lines. Some of them are built at the tops of hills and appear to stop at the edges of cliffs. Unlike the other designs that are clearly figural, these resemble runways in their length and straightness. This has led some fringe theorists to suggest that these lines were ancient air strips or airports. Some people even suggest that the lines made on hills were specifically created for launching gliders.

Nazca Lines, Nazca, Peru. (Diego Delso/ CC BY SA )

There are two main groups which say that these particular Nazca lines represent runways - those who believe that the Nazca geoglyphs were made by visiting extraterrestrials and those who believe that the Nazca people had flight technology and used it to make the lines. Proponents of both views point to the Tolima artifacts: gold figurines that sometimes resemble jet planes, as further evidence that ancient South Americans either possessed flight technology themselves or encountered flight technology produced by someone else, such as ancient aliens.

  •  Twenty Four more Ancient Geoglyphs Discovered in Nazca, Peru

  •  The Enigma of the Nazca Lines: Strange Theories and Unanswered Questions

Aerial view of the "Owlman" aka "Astronaut", the most enigmatic geoglyph of the Nazca Lines in the Nazca Desert in southern Peru.

Aerial view of the "Owlman" aka "Astronaut", the most enigmatic geoglyph of the Nazca Lines in the Nazca Desert in southern Peru. (Diego Delso/ CC BY SA )

The main problem with the extraterrestrial explanation is that there is no other clear evidence that suggests alien visitation. There is no evidence of crashed spaceships, spacecraft parts, rare metal alloys not normally found on earth, or anything else that could not have come from this planet - no indisputable evidence at least. Furthermore, analysis of the lines shows they were made by delicately removing topsoil to create these designs. A spaceship landing would probably have disrupted this fragile configuration.

There is no evidence of parts of the lines being disrupted because of exhaust from landing spacecraft and you would expect such evidence to remain since the desert is not very windy. This is, in fact, why the Nazca lines have not been obscured by windblown material. Based on these facts, it is unlikely that extraterrestrials made any of the Nazca lines, including the alleged runways.

Artist's impression of UFOs over a desert.

Artist's impression of UFOs over a desert. ( Public Domain )

Runways for Forgotten Nazca Aircraft?

The Nazca lines would not have been hard for the Nazca people to make and experimental archaeology has shown that a team of people can make such lines within a few hours to a few days using only the technological means known to have been available to the ancient Nazca through archaeological evidence. As a result, Occam's razor is friendlier to the idea that the Nazca culture made the lines - we have evidence that they lived in the area at the time and could have constructed the lines - whereas we don't have evidence that extraterrestrials were ever present.

Since it is most likely the Nazca people themselves made all the lines, some fringe theorists have logically concluded that the Nazca civilization must have had flight and other advanced technology because of the supposed runways. Proponents of this view point to Nazca geoglyphs that look vaguely mechanical, resembling windmills and hooks, to bolster their case.

  •  New Study suggests Nazca Lines formed Ancient Pilgrimage Route to Cahuachi Temple

  •  Greenpeace treads on ancient Nazca lines site to urge renewable energy

Although this hypothesis is probably more likely, there are still problems with it. We must remember that just because a design looks one way to us, doesn't mean that it looked that way to the Nazca. For example, they may have been using a particular style of art to represent natural features such as plants and animals that just by coincidence causes them to resemble machines to us since we live in the age of machines.

miércoles, 23 de agosto de 2017

Lake Titicaca: The Cauldron of Incan Creationism

Lake Titicaca has long been the center of various socio-political cultures in South America. The lake has seen many cultures along its shores, such as the Pucará (400BC-100AD) and the Tiwanaku (200BC-1000AD), and still remains a place of value and livelihood for the Uru peoples of the famed Floating Islands. Yet it is the Incas who encapsulated the essence of the great lake around which they built their own civilization. Lake Titicaca was enveloped into their mythological and religious beliefs as the center of the cosmos.

The Incan Creation Story

According to Inca tradition, their creator god (called either Viracocha or Wiraqocha) created the world as it is now through trial and error, creation and destruction. As seen in other creation myths, such as those of the Norse and the Greeks, the first beings were created both by and from the creator himself, later meeting an unfortunate end at the hands of a great flood sent by the creator.

  •  The Ancient Ruins On and Beneath the Sacred Lake Titicaca

  •  Viracocha's Astronomical Creation Engine

  •  The Sacred Meaning of the Reed: From Houses and Boats to Rituals, Ceremonies and Portals

Representation of Inca god Viracocha

Representation of Inca god Viracocha ( Public Domain )

In the Incan worldview, Viracocha's first attempt at creating life came in the form of stone giants. Due to the giants' size and physical makeup, it is not surprising that they were so difficult to control that Viracocha traded them in for the smaller, more "pliable" race of humans (forged from clay or stone) which he supposedly crafted in Tiahuanaco. For a time, Viracocha let humanity thrive until their greed and pride - two factors that have been humanity's downfall across cultures - led to Viracocha's decision to start again. Thus he sent the Incan version of the Great Flood. The deluge eventually subsided into Lake Titicaca, leaving three humans alive (or two, depending on which narrative one reads), just as Lif and Lifsandir were the only survivors of the Norse Ragnarök, and Deucalion and his wife were among the few to survive the second ancient Greek flood. These humans would go on to create the humans from which all current people are descended. It is also said that either from Lake Titicaca or before the creation of the lake, Viracocha forged the sun, the moon and the stars. Lake Titicaca, therefore, is quite literally the cauldron from which life as the Incas knew it sprung.

La balsa de totora, Viracocha I, y su arribo a la Isla de Pascua ( CC BY-SA 3.0 )

Verbal Legend

Among the most valued sources discussing Incan religion and Viracocha's creation myth comes from a Spaniard named Juan Diez de Betanzos. De Betanzos ' source is unique in its respect as a "firsthand account" by scholars because de Betanzos' book, Narrative of the Incas , is based solely on statements of his Incan wife, Dona Angelina. Angelina was originally named Cuxirimay Ocllo Yupanqui, and was a young wife of Incan ruler Atahualpa (one of many wives of the leader). Atahualpa was in power when the Spanish came to the Empire, and was deposed and executed by conquistador Francisco Pizarro. Cuxirimay Ocllo Yupanqui was taken prisoner, renamed Dona Angelina and eventually married to Juan de Betanzos, with whom she shared the Incan worldview. Thus the account by de Betanzos has been considered the closest thing to an indigenous written record.

Amantaní (in the distance) viewed from Taquile (in the foreground) on Lake Titicaca, Peru.

Amantaní (in the distance) viewed from Taquile (in the foreground) on Lake Titicaca, Peru. ( Public Domain )

However, as with most interpretations of ancient traditions through Christian eyes, de Betanzos' own religious upbringing cannot be overlooked as a possible influence in the writing of his narrative. The Inca creation myth survives in great detail because of Dona Angelina, yet the monotheistic worldview of the Spanish may have subtlety influenced the stories. For instance, the Spanish appear to have attempted to transform Viracocha - as the god of creation and the highest of the Incan pantheon - into an Incan name for the Christian god, with an emphasis of Viracocha's creation placed on rigid perceptions of light and dark (i.e., good and evil) rather than the Incan values of duality and reincarnation. (This theory is grounded in the codification of other polytheistic religions by Christians - such as the Norse sagas - and has not been proven by this author.) On the other hand, it can also be argued that naming Viracocha as the "primary god" was not an intention, but a mere misinterpretation by the Christian writers.

  •  Lake Titicaca - Gate of the Gods

  •  Were the Ancient Funerary Towers of Sillustani Peru Originally Part of an Energy System?

  •  Enduring Mystery Surrounds the Ancient Site of Puma Punku

miércoles, 16 de agosto de 2017

God's Gate and the Sun Temple: A Mysterious Incan Portal Leading to Other Worlds

Peru has a rich and mysterious history. With extant indigenous groups such as the Uros, Quechua, Aymara, and the Jivaro, which are known for their head-shrinking techniques, and historical populations like the Wari and the Chancay, known for their amazing mask-making skills, Peru is an anthropologist's dream. Some of the ancient Peruvians were wiped out when the Inca invaded, and others moved out into Lake Titicaca, the world's highest navigable lake, never to return. The Inca built (or at least added to pre-existing) large, enigmatic structures, such as Machu Picchu, located just outside of Cusco, the axis mundi of the Inca.

View of Machu Picchu buildings and Wayna Picchu mount (left) and Cusco (right), Peru

View of Machu Picchu buildings and Wayna Picchu mount (left) and Cusco (right), Peru

The Monumental Sites of Cusco

Outside of Cusco are other amazing sites, such as Tambomachay: a huaca (holy building) perched upon a sacred, natural spring, which the Inca likely used for ritual ablutions, and the Incan fortress of Sacsayhuaman. To reach this expansive site, you climb up a narrow, winding dirt road. It is built of enormous limestone, andesite, and diorite stone blocks, the largest is 361 tons, and it is unknown how they were able to transport such blocks from the quarry nearly five miles away to their present resting place.

  •  Ancient Inca Festival Celebrating Sun God, Once Practiced in Secret, is Revived in Peru

  •  The Golden Stick: Cuzco's Divine Foundation Myth and The Scientific Connections

Sacsayhuaman

The Mighty Temple of the Sun, Koricancha

The amazing Temple of the Sun, Koricancha (also spelled Qoricancha), which means "golden courtyard" in Quechua. Initially called Inti Wasi, the Inca dedicated it to the sun god Inti, and as is the case with many temples dedicated to sun deities throughout the world, they adorned it with gold.

At the height of their power, this temple was one of the most important in the entire empire. The Inca used large stones, similar to those used in the construction of Machu Picchu and Sacsayhuaman, to create the walls. Then, they inserted golden plates, and decorated the temple with golden vases and statues. The mummified bodies of deceased Incan kings were also placed inside, and the Inca likewise honored them with royal clothing, headdresses, and golden ritual objects. These mummies, while certainly not alive, were not considered dead, and the Aclla Cuna (Virgins of the Sun) cared for them. Other important artifacts were in Koricancha. Life-sized golden statues of deities and deified ancestors were in the courtyard, and golden altars were the stage upon which the Aclla Cuna prepared ritual foods and offerings. Among all of the sacred artifacts, however, one in particular was revered: a sun disk made of pure gold.

Koricancha, originally called Inta Wasi

Koricancha, originally called Inta Wasi

Key to the Gate of the Gods

According to legend, this disk was more than an ornamental or even ritual object. It was the key to a sacred doorway called La Puerta de Hayu Marca, or the Gate of the Gods. It is said that the first Incan priest-king Aramu Muru took this golden disk to the site of an ancient, spiritual city in which the inhabitants could commune with gods. Readers may find this idea strange, but even in modern times, legends from worldwide cultures relate that ancient, even antediluvian civilizations were in contact with gods. In the Christian tradition, God became angry and decided to kill all humans save Noah and his family and friends, and He tasks him with saving two of each species. The Sumerian, Akkadian, and more than 500 other traditions have similar accounts of a great flood and divine beings reaching out to assist a select group of sentient beings. Even in modern times, Mahayana Buddhists meditate upon Bodhisattvas, savior deities who supposedly assist humans. Catholic and Orthodox Christians likewise pray to saints, deified human beings who are closer to divinity. While such saints are alive, they are similarly thought to have the ability to commune with God. Therefore, when Incan legends speak about an ancient city in which its inhabitants were closer to Inti, this is universal and unceasing nomenclature, and the tale should not be dismissed outright because of it.

Worldwide myths and legends generally spring from something, some fraction of truth that storytellers elaborate upon throughout the centuries. Good questions to keep in mind are, "What is the real truth?" and "What is the real history?"

  •  Tipón, Peru and The Hydro Engineering Marvel of the Inca

  •  Who Built the Fascinating Ñaupa Iglesia? Mysterious Ruins in the Sacred Valley of Peru

Incan Legend of Aramu Muru

lunes, 7 de agosto de 2017

Kon-Tiki and Bold Leadership in the Corporate Setting

According to This Day in History, on this day 70 years ago, the balsa raft Kon-Tiki, captained by Norwegian anthropologist Thor Heyerdahl, completed a “4,300-mile, 101-day journey from Peru to Raroia in the Tuamotu Archipelago, near Tahiti. Heyerdahl wanted to prove his theory that prehistoric South Americans could have colonized the Polynesian islands by drifting on ocean currents.” To the amazement of the world, he did so.

Heyerdahl was born in Larvik, Norway, on October 6, 1914. He “believed that Polynesia’s earliest inhabitants had come from South America, a theory that conflicted with popular scholarly opinion that the original settlers arrived from Asia. Even after his successful voyage, anthropologists and historians continued to discredit Heyerdahl’s belief. However, his journey captivated the public and he wrote a book about the experience that became an international bestseller and was translated into 65 languages. Heyerdahl also produced a documentary about the trip that won an Academy Award in 1951.” He was named ‘Norwegian of the Century’ in homeland in a popular poll.

One thing that has always fascinated me with the Kon-Tiki story is the bold vision of Heyerdahl. I thought about this when I read a recent article in the Adam Bryant’s New  York Times (NYT) Corner Office column, entitled “A Bold Vision Sets Things in Motion”, where he interviewed Nancy L. Zimpher, the Chancellor Emeritus, State University of New York. Although she comes from the world of academia, Zimpher presented some interesting ideas on her leadership style which I thought were useful to any Chief Compliance Officer (CCO) or business leader.

In the more mundane leadership lesson, Zimpher noted you must be able to lead a meeting. It is critical to start on time, end on time and have closure on items. She was spot on when she stated, “This sounds trivial but you can die a thousand deaths in a bad committee meeting.” She likes, even thrives, in the multiple person meeting format, stating, “You’ve got to have the team present, and you’ve got to have everybody’s opinion on the table. There’s so much more synergy in this room if we were having a group discussion. And it’s a lot more fun.”

Yet this success in group meetings does not transfer to one-on-one meetings, which Zimpher believes are about “the most boring thing in the world to me”. She recognizes she has “a degree of impatience. I want to get to the work and convene the people who are going to do the work. Let’s get on with it. Don’t tell me what you’re doing. Just do your job.” However, this facilitates her external bold vision approach as she stated, “I’m much more external to the vision than the internal day-to-day operations. I have very low patience with hearing about why we can’t get something done.”

Yet she also shared some ideas which were closer to those of Heyerdahl as Zimpher noted one of the most important things she has learned in her career was vision. She stated, “If you really know where you’re going, and you have a clear vision for the institution, that can be really powerful. Over the course of my career, I have successfully articulated a vision three times over.’ She provided the example of her first meeting with the State University of New York (SUNY) Board of Trustees, she told them she was bring vision to the table, adding, “I don’t know what it is at this point. I’m not coming with the answer chiseled into a tablet but I’m going to find it.”

She is not a lone thinker going off to seek inspiration as she works with others to achieve the vision. She works with “all the stakeholders, understanding the history and seeing the potential future.” It is from this initial formulation that everything flows. Zimpher related, “Once you have it and articulate it, then people in the organization need to be able to repeat what that vision is. I don’t care if they’re making fun of it, but at least they know we have one.”

Zimpher takes her bold vision approach to leadership in the interview process. She stated, “If I’m interviewing someone, I assume they have the credentials. But I want to know what you can get done. I want to know your role in the equation, and how you made things happen in your previous roles. So I’m very action oriented and I listen for that.” She said that she listens for “collegial course of action” for interviewees, focusing on how they will work in a committee structure. She said she will ask such questions as “what is it you wanted to get done? Were you just going to let the committee decide? What did you do that moved the institution to a place where you wanted to go but you had to get the group to get there?”

Obviously, Heyerdahl had a bold vision that he was able to follow through on. But he did not accomplish the Kon-Tiki saga in a bubble as there were five other crew members on the ship. He followed the voyage with a book aptly named Kon-Tiki and the Oscar-winning movie of the same name. Yet I found Zimpher’s leadership concepts channeling her inner Heyerdahl. Any CCO or business leader must not only have a vision but must be able to articulate that vision.

In the area of compliance, you should work in your organization to develop a vision that is practicle, has buy-in from the C-Suite and is something you can commit to paper. Mark T. Jones, in his article entitled “Nautical lessons for leadership”, wrote, “Leadership has always been about people being put to the test, this is as true of the corporate world as it is of other fields of human endeavour.” You can draw inspiration from Heyerdahl and his vision and take some of the practical steps suggested by Zimpher to run your meetings efficiently and on time.

jueves, 3 de agosto de 2017

Polish divers search lakes near Machu Picchu for traces of Inca ritual activity

Polish scientists searched for traces of the Inca ritual activity in three lakes in the Machu Picchu region of Peru - at an altitude of over 4100 m above sea level. On the shores of the lakes there are ceremonial platforms, from which sacrificial offerings were probably made during rituals.

Particularly two of the lakes surveyed this year - Soctacocha and Yanacocha - are very interesting for researchers. They are located in the vicinity of the well known Inca trail Camino Inca that connects numerous archaeological sites with the famous rock city of Machu Picchu. In times of splendour, more than 500 years ago, the city was surrounded by many temples and settlements. Currently it is the protected area of Machu Picchu National Park and a very popular tourist route.

"We were convinced that it was worth exploring deep into the lakes already during the reconnaissance. It turned out that in both cases there were ceremonial stone platforms by the lakes. Sacrificial offerings were probably made from these platforms during rituals", said research expedition leader, diver and archaeologist Dr. Maciej Sobczyk from the Center for Precolumbian Studies of the University of Warsaw. In addition Dr. Sobczyk, Mateusz Popek and Przemysław Trześniowski are also members of the team of underwater archaeologists.

The platforms themselves will also be studied by archaeologists. It is possible that since they were cult-related structures, there could be foundation deposits (sacrificial offerings made at the time of construction). Sometimes the dead would also be buried underneath such structures.

All the lakes are found at the foot of the Salkantay Glacier, which was the object of worship of the former inhabitants of the Andes. According to the archaeologists, they played an important role in the Inca beliefs - llamas and alpacas, the animals that played and still play an important role in the economy of the Andes, were believed to have emerged from them in the old days. What could the Incas sink during religious celebrations? It is known that the Incas immersed stone boxes filled with gold and silver figurines in the Lake Titicaca on the border of Peru and Bolivia.

Polish scientists' camp [Credit: M. Sobczyk]

Archaeologists have high hopes for what may be hidden in the bottom of the lakes Soctacocha and Yanacocha. During their initial research, they used sonar to create bathymetric maps. Divers took a several centimetres core sample from one of the lakes - the layers of mud that had settled over millennia. By analysing the sample, scientists will not only learn the history of lakes, but also determine the environmental conditions in the area surrounding the reservoirs.

"This year's work was a big logistical challenge. Due to the difficult terrain, all equipment and supplies had to be delivered to the main camp using mules, and then, due to the steep trails, getting to the place of work took more than two days", recalls Dr. Sobczyk. There was also an unfortunate accident - one of the transport animals fell from the slope.

Last year, archaeologists from the Center for Precolumbian Studies of the University of Warsaw inaugurated pioneering research in water reservoirs located in the Peruvian National Park of Machu Picchu. They surveyed four different lakes, including Humantay. This year, the researchers returned to verify previously identified potential traces of human activity and test equipment designed specifically for the expedition. Despite reaching the bottom at the depth of 20 m, researchers failed to discover traces of ancient rituals.

The lakes studied by the Polish archaeologists are not only at very high altitudes, they are also very deep. This carries a high risk for divers - no sonar or archaeological diving has ever been done at such altitudes.

Mateusz Popek prepares the sonar [Credit: M. Sobczyk]

"High-altitude diving requires rigorous adherence to procedures that are associated with much lower atmospheric pressure at high altitudes. Traditional depth gauges may give inaccurate results, making it more difficult to plan and execute dives", explains the underwater archaeologist and IANTD diving instructor, Przemysław Trześniowski.

High-altitude diving involves a much higher risk of decompression sickness, which also requires high-level diving skills associated with underwater position and ascent rates.

Deep diving in Humantay has also allowed scientists to collect Doppler data, which will be analysed by the National Centre for Hyperbaric Medicine in Gdynia. Dive tables and planning and diving procedures have been developed specifically for archaeologists by Dr. Jacek Kot, MD.

High-altitude underwater studies in the Peruvian Andes are carried out by the Center for Precolumbian Studies in collaboration with the Regional Department of the Ministry of Culture in Cusco, the Research Team of the Machu Picchu Park, as part of the project "The role of the satellite sites in the vicinity of Machu Picchu: Inkaraqay, Chachabamba and mountain lakes at Nevado Salkantay (Peru) ", led by Prof. Mariusz Ziółkowski. Research in the Machu Picchu National Park is funded by the Opus and Prelude grants of the National Science Centre.

Polish scientists' camp [Credit: M. Sobczyk]

miércoles, 2 de agosto de 2017

The Racism Behind Alien Mummy Hoaxes

Peruvian archaeologists are tired of debunking claims of extraterrestrial influence on human history. In 1968, Swiss author Erich von Däniken’s Chariots of the Gods? introduced the mainstream to the theory that the ‘Nazca Lines,’ the massive geoglyphs in Southern Peru whose shapes are fully visible only from the air, were landing strips for “ancient astronauts.” Archaeologists calmly disagree, positing that they were astronomical designs that turned the desert itself into an observatory, or counter constellations matching the dark spaces in the Milky Way, or, more abstractly, cosmological figures meant to be seen by skyward deities, of which ancient Peru had many. 2008’s Indiana Jones and the Kingdom of the Crystal Skull put a new spin on this old tale, including, for good measure, the large-skulled aliens that pepper North American abduction stories.

Now, Peruvian scientists are furious at a new and possibly pernicious permutation of the “ancient astronaut” theory. A web series named “Unearthing Nazca” purports to depict the investigation of a Pre-Columbian and “humanoid” mummy. Archaeologists, who have been denied access to the mummy, worry that it is as old as the series’ creators claim, but that it is actually Indigenous and Andean—a real human individual that has been mutilated to look like an alien. They worry that “Unearthing Nazca” is an archaeological snuff film in disguise.

The series’ success is also of concern. Since the series’ launch in June by Gaia.com—a website specializing in “Conscious Media, Yoga & More”—the teaser episode of “Unearthing Nazca” has been viewed 2.35 million times on Youtube alone. It starts with what at first seems to be a typical seated Peruvian mummy, arms wrapped around its knees, like a child waiting for its parent. Its head is elongated like those of other pre-Columbian mummies, whose societies artificially shaped their children’s crania to achieve ideals of beauty or represent group belonging.

The resemblance ends there. A Hans Zimmer-esque score throbs, and a Russian-accented expert in “bioelectrography”—who elsewhere claims to have photographed the human soul escaping the body after death—declares the mummy “one of the most important discoveries of the twenty-first century.” The camera orbits the mummy, revealing that it has only three long fingers on each hand and three long toes on each foot. Its elongated head has no nose, no ears, and large, heavy-lidded eyes. And its skin is an eerie, powdery white.

The video’s experts stop short of the A-word, letting a series of vest-wearing and white coat-clad “experts” claim that x-rays, CT scans, and DNA and Carbon 14 tests of the mummy’s flesh reveal that this new “humanoid” or “organic creature,” whom they have dubbed “Maria,” is no fraud. To learn more, viewers were initially encouraged to watch the rest of the investigation behind Gaia’s paywall.

The English- and Spanish-language tabloids and Youtube channels that cover the “discovery” reliably fill in the blanks, guarding journalistic integrity with scare quotes: “The ‘Alien’ Mummies of Nazca,” trumpeted The Sun in mid-July, when the mummy’s most prominent promoter, a Mexican ‘ufologist’ and TV personality named Jaime Maussan, produced photographic and x-ray “proof” of at least four additional more “reptilian” “humanoid” bodies.

Because of course: What else could they be?

* * *

Human beings, and indigenous ones to boot.

In 2015, Maussan tried to promote a photographic slide from the late 1940s that, he hinted, depicted the corpse of an alien child found in the American Southwest. More skeptical Ufologists applied de-blurring technology to the “Roswell Slide” when it was released, and found that a previously undecipherable placard next to the body revealed that it was actually the mummy of a two-year-old Puebloan boy removed from the cliff dwellings Mesa Verde in 1894. Returned to a National Park museum in 1938, the boy was repatriated to a local tribe in 2015. Incredibly, Maussan then offered $10,000 for information that might permit the Puebloan boy’s “location and recuperation.”

This inclusion of Pre-Columbian Peruvians in Science’s supposed cover-up of extraterrestrials echoes the previous collection and study of the Indigenous dead. In the nineteenth century, Anglo-American and European craniologists and scholars who came upon artificially molded skulls in Peruvian tombs hypothesized that they were either the undeformed remnants of a lost and civilized people they named the ‘Ancient Peruvians,’ or artificial deformations of later peoples inspired by those Ancient Peruvians’ natural forms. Archaeologists came to realize that “deformed” Peruvian skulls were bound and shaped from infancy, when cranial bones weren’t yet fused—with no change to cranial capacity and, judging from the monumental societies their elites achieved, without handicap to cognitive ability. But Ufology’s rise after the “Roswell incident” of 1947 has resurrected the search for secret ancestors—and its less responsible practitioners have re-enlisted ancient Peruvian skulls as evidence of the presence of large-skulled “Grey Aliens.” They speculate that Peru’s greatest pre-Columbian achievements—including Machu Picchu, according to a theory aired on the History channel program “Ancient Aliens”—are literally out of this world, the product of a superior, extraterrestrial “race.” or their borrowed technology.

Illustration of a mummy collected and unwrapped in 1836 by John Harrison Blake (Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology)

The use of the word “race” is telling, as it suggests how the repurposing of older, European collections of non-European bodies and research upon them can reproduce old and debunked theories of racial deficiency: that Indigenous Peruvians, in particular, could not have built such advanced, monumental societies on their own. (“Ancient Astronaut” theorists claim evidence of extraterrestrial inspiration worldwide, but only Indigenous Americans see their bodies and achievements remade as only explicable by alien presence.) From the eighteenth century on, Northern Europeans have accused the Spanish of exaggerating or misidentifying the origins of the Incas’ achievements. Alexander von Humboldt asserted that the first Incas were actually Chinese. Inca embalming of their dead was attributed instead to natural mummification by the elements or to the diffusion of Egyptian knowledge.

With the rise of specifically racialized science in the nineteenth and twentieth century, evidence for Native American otherness was sought in the ancient Peruvians’ very bones. In the 1920s, one German scholar and future SS officer would seek confirmation that the Andes’ most megalithic cultures were actually Aryan or Atlantean, and that their elongated skulls “belonged to a superior Nordic race.” More dismissively, earlier scholars took ancient Peruvian skulls’ distinctive size, shape, and possession of unique interparietal bones as evidence of a similarity to rodents and marsupials, or a contradiction that undercut their attributed civilization. In his great assault on racial bias in the scientific estimation of intelligence, The Mismeasure of Man (1981), Stephen Jay Gould famously claimed that the Philadelphia craniologist Samuel George Morton had “plummeted” the average size of Indian skulls in his collection by including a “major overrepresentation of an extreme group—the small-brained Inca Peruvians.”

Archaeology and museums have come a long way in their study and portrayal of an Indigenous past in which Peruvians are proud, and conversations about the repatriation or more ethical study of the Indigenous American dead are ongoing. (Simultaneous to “Unearthing Nazca’s release, there was massive attendance at a new and decidedly non-extraterrestrial show on the Nazca culture at the Lima Museum of Art.) Gould’s use of Morton as an illustration of racial bias in science has also been debated—Morton actually used a grouped mean of the groups included among his “Americans,” controlling for the Peruvians’ greater presence so that their inclusion would not plummet the average.

Nevertheless, “Unearthing Nazca” is support for Gould’s larger warning against describing non-European bodies as deficient, abnormal, or non-human. The Internet in particular has provided a platform for claims of Peruvian skulls’ alien or alt-hominid abnormality that rely on the repetition of old scholarship without grappling with the racist presumptions behind the very metrics they used. Proponents of the idea that elongated Peruvian skulls were naturally occurring, for example, have embraced the work of Morton and his cohort, such as the Swiss author who compared the ancient Peruvians to marsupials. It also shows how zombified racial science—even when it claims not to be about race—might abuse actual human bodies.

It was for this reason that “Unearthing Nazca” broke Peruvian archaeologists’ studious reserve. The trouble began late last year, when the Peruvian Youtuber Paul Ronceros got local media to cover an earlier “alien” or “reptilian” mummy and separated three-fingered hand from Nazca, which he claimed were discovered by interested parties other than himself. At some point Ronceros brought that hand and the first “mummy” to a series of museums, including the natural history museum at Lima’s University of San Marcos, the oldest university in the hemisphere. According to that museum’s head of vertebrate paleontology, Dr. Rodolfo Salas Gismondi—who is also an investigator affiliated with the American Museum of Natural History in New York—Ronceros changed his story when challenged on the obvious fabrication, claiming that it instead a Pre-Columbian “representation” of alien life, made of a mixture of animal and human bones. Around this time, Maussan and fellow international UFO “experts” got involved, declaring that the mummies in question—they kept multiplying—were fabrications, possibly ancient, but that others were “genuine, non-human biological remains.”

That archaeological human bones may have been used to mount Ronceros’s “reptile” mini-mummy and its accompanying hand was bad enough. But Peruvian scientists held their fire in public until June, when “Unearthing Nazca’ revealed the previously un-photographed “Maria,” whose dramatic resemblance to actual Peruvian mummies—down to almost anatomically correct CT scan—suggested that she wasn’t a pastiche of animal and human bones, but an actual Pre-Columbian Andean, looted and remade for the sake of a hoax.

From the x-rays of the mummified hands featured on “Unearthing Nazca,” Salas Gismondi has proposed that they were part of a pre-Columbian mummy that was subsequently mutilated—two fingers or toes cut from each extremity and redeployed to augment the number of falanges in the remaining three digits to conform to our alien pop culture stereotypes. Its skeletal extremities, Salas Gismondi observes, are otherwise identical to that of a human being with five fingers, which “makes no evolutionary sense.” To complete the package of “Maria,” her nose and ears may have been sliced away from what was either an unsurprisingly elongated head, or were left off of a recently fabricated one. Evidence of all alterations could easily be covered up with the white, plastery powder that the talking heads on “Unearthing Nazca” claim is a desiccant. The benefit of using an actual mummy is that the body may be probed for samples of actual pre-Columbian flesh, as some face-masked participants in “Unearthing Nazca” are seen to be doing in the name of “Carbon-14 and DNA testing.” The “experts” later declare that those tests reveals that the mummy was a 1600-1800 year-old female “humanoid”—results that have not been verified by outside parties.

Pre-Columbian Peruvian mummy as depicted for the 1851 work Antigüedades Peruanas. (Mariano Eduardo de Rivero / Johann Jakob von Tschudi)

Maria’s guardians have not let her be examined by established mummy experts. In late June, Peru’s Ministry of Culture announced that it was investigating the possibility that the composition of the mummies were the product of looting. And in July, the organizers of last year’s World Congress on Mummy Studies in Lima—Peru’s actual experts on pre-Columbian remains—denounced “Unearthing Nazca,” calling upon Peruvian authorities to investigate, find, and prosecute the mummies’ apparent makers for violating Peru’s laws against trafficking in pre-Columbian human remains, which are considered Peruvian cultural patrimony. The Congress’s organizers were particularly galled by the possibility that this assault upon the dignity of an actually pre-Columbian mummy bolstered believers—even in Peru—that Andean culture and achievements owed to “outside help.”

These Peruvian archaeologists and bio-anthropologists have been careful not to say who they believe is responsible for the suspected fraud; the experts on Gaia.com are likewise careful to say that “Maria” was “discovered” by “Mario,” a pseudonymous third party. When reached for comment, Gaia.com’s media representatives say that the organization has only investigated and reported “on facts related to artifacts presented to us,” and “arranged for independent testing including carbon 14 and DNA sequencing.” The on-camera experts involved in the investigation have apparently not been paid, and Gaia.com has never been “in possession of any artifacts.” During this story’s reporting, the paywall for the rest of the episodes of “Unearthing Nazca” was lowered, releasing them to the open web and possibly helping Gaia answer the charge that it continues to profit from an unraveling story.

But Peru’s mummy experts remain frustrated. In mid-July, one of Peru’s most respected bio-anthropologists, Elsa Tomasto-Cagigao, agreed to be interviewed alongside debate Maussan and another member of his team—a Mexican naval surgeon whose claims to be a forensic anthropologist have not checked out—live on Peruvian TV.

Maussan took the opportunity to claim that he and his colleagues were being defamed; that they never said it was an ‘extraterrestrial; just that that they sought the truth on whether or not it was a “human being.” But Tomasto-Cagigao wasn’t having it. She laid out the case clearly, patiently, unflappably, observing that no one in Peru’s actual scientific community of mummy experts had been consulted or had seen “Maria” or the actual X-rays other than what was flashed on “Unearthing Nazca” or in Maussan’s “press conferences.”

“And if they present them tomorrow?” asks the host.

“I’ll eat a cockroach, live, with mayonnaise,” Tomasto-Cagigao replied. “It is not just grave-robbing … Peruvian law says that to extract, alter, or manipulate cultural patrimony without the permission of the state is a crime.”

The interviewer tries to break in.

“I’m not saying that they did it,” she adds, refusing to look at the “Unearthing Nazca” experts, whose latest episode investigates a mummified pre-Columbian infant whose tiny hands and feet have, or were made to have, three fingers.

“But there’s a crime here.”